Democracy and Consensus in African Traditional Politics: a Plea - Jstor The political systems of most African nations are based on forms of government put in place by colonial authorities during the era of European rule. Governance also has an important regional dimension relating to the institutional structures and norms that guide a regions approach to challenges and that help shape its political culture.1 This is especially relevant in looking at Africas place in the emerging world since this large region consists of 54 statesclose to 25% of the U.N.s membershipand includes the largest number of landlocked states of any region, factors that dramatically affect the political environment in which leaders make choices.
What Are the Weaknesses of Traditional Security Systems? Some African leaders such as Ghanas Jerry Rawlings, Zambias Kenneth Kaunda, or Mozambiques Joachim Chissano accept and respect term limits and stand down. The optimistic replyand it is a powerful oneis that Africans will gradually build inclusive political and economic institutions.18 This, however, requires wise leadership.
Module Ten, Activity Two - Exploring Africa African Traditional Political System and Institution: University of The Gambia, Faculty of humanities and social sciences. One of these is the potential influence exerted by the regions leading states, measured in terms of size, population, economic weight, and overall political clout and leadership prestige.
Traditional African Religions - The Spiritual Life 79 (3), (1995) pp. Prominent among these Sudanic states was the Soninke Kingdom of Ancient Ghana. Not surprisingly, incumbent leaders facing these challenges look to short-term military remedies and extend a welcome to military partnerswith France, the United States, and the United Nations the leading candidates. It is also challenging to map them out without specifying their time frame. One layer represents the formal institutions (laws) of the state. The chapter further examines the dabbling of traditional leaders in the political process in spite of the proscription of the institution from mainstream politics and, in this context, analyzes the policy rationale for attempting to detach chieftaincy from partisan politics. The initial constitutions and legal systems were derived from the terminal colonial era. In Sierra Leone, paramount chiefs are community leaders and their tasks involve - among others - protecting community safety and resolving disputes. Music is a form of communication and it plays a functional role in African society . There are also various arguments in the literature against traditional institutions.2 One argument is that chieftaincy impedes the pace of development as it reduces the relevance of the state in the area of social services (Tom Mboya in Osaghae, 1989).
African Political Systems - Wikipedia In African-style democracy the rule of law is only applicable to ordinary people unconnected to the governing party leadership or leader. Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Politics. Throughout our over one-hundred-year history, our work has directly led to policies that have produced greater freedom, democracy, and opportunity in the United States and the world.
PDF African Governance Systems in the Pre and Post-Independence Periods Although considerable differences exist among the various systems, opportunities for women to participate in decision making in most traditional systems are generally limited. This is done through the enforcement agencies such as the police force. If inclusion is the central ingredient, it will be necessary to explore in greater depth the resources leaders have available to pay for including various social groups and demographic cohorts. The campaign by some (but not all) African states to pull out of the International Criminal Court is but one illustration of the trend. Subsequent to the colonial experience, traditional institutions may be considered to be informal institutions in the sense that they are often not sanctioned by the state. This approach to governance was prominent in the Oyo empire. Against this backdrop, where is African governance headed? The cases of Nigeria, Kenya, and South Sudan suggest that each case must be assessed on its own merits. It is too soon to tell whether such institutions can evolve in modern Africa as a result of gradual tinkering with reformist agendas, as the legacy of wise leaders; or whether they will only happen as a result of fundamental tests of strength between social and political groups. Subsequent to the colonial experience, traditional institutions may be considered to be informal institutions in the sense that they are often not sanctioned by the state. In addition, they have traditional institutions of governance of various national entities, including those surrounding the Asantehene of the Ashanti in Ghana and the Kabaka of the Buganda in Uganda. The swing against western norms was captured in an interview with Ugandas repeatedly re-elected president Yoweri Museveni who remarked How can you have structural adjustment without electricity?
Relevance of African traditional institutions of Governance There is also the question of inclusion of specific demographic cohorts: women, youth, and migrants from rural to urban areas (including migrant women) all face issues of exclusion that can have an impact on conflict and governance. In some cases, community elders select future Sultanes at a young age and groom them for the position. Such adjustments, however, may require contextualization of the institutions of democracy by adjusting these institutions to reflect African realities. The term covers the expressed commands of Presently, Nigeria practices the federal system. Poor leadership can result in acts of commission or omission that alienate or disenfranchise geographically distinct communities. The government system is a republic; the chief of state and head of government is the president.
15 Facts on African Religions The Interfaith Observer The Role of Traditional Leaders in Post Independence Countries Botswana The parallel institutional systems often complement each other in the continents contemporary governance. No doubt rural communities participate in elections, although they are hardly represented in national assemblies by people from their own socioeconomic space. The origins of this institutional duality, the implications of which are discussed in Relevance and Paradox of Traditional Institutions, are largely traceable to the colonial state, as it introduced new economic and political systems and superimposed corresponding institutional systems upon the colonies without eradicating the existed traditional economic, political, and institutional systems. The key . A key factor in the size of adherents of rural institutions, however, seems to depend on the ratio of the population in the traditional economic systems to the total population. The scope of the article is limited to an attempt to explain how the endurance of African traditional institutions is related to the continents economic systems and to shed light on the implications of fragmented institutional systems. In traditional African communities, it was not possible to distinguish between religious and non-religious areas of life. A third, less often recognized base of legitimacy can be called conventional African diplomatic legitimacy wherein a governmenthowever imperfectly establishedis no more imperfect than the standard established by its regional neighbors. References: Blakemore and Cooksey (1980). An election bound to be held in the year 2019 will unveil the new . The colonial state modified their precolonial roles. Communities like the Abagusii, Ameru, Akamba, Mijikenda, and Agikuyu in Kenya had this system of government. This section grapples with the questions of whether traditional institutions are relevant in the governance of contemporary Africa and what implications their endurance has on Africas socioeconomic development. This page was processed by aws-apollo-l2 in. Impact of Historical Origins of African State System2. Thus, despite abolition efforts by postcolonial states and the arguments against the traditional institutions in the literature, the systems endure and remain rather indispensable for the communities in traditional economic systems. Third, Africas conflict burden reflects different forms and sources of violence that sometimes become linked to each other: political movements may gain financing and coercive support from criminal networks and traffickers, while religious militants with connections to terrorist groups are often adept at making common cause with local grievance activists. Womens inequality in the traditional system is related, at least in part, to age- and gender-based divisions of labor characterizing traditional economic systems. For Acemoglu and Robinson, such turning points occur in specific, unique historical circumstances that arise in a societys development. This study notes that in 2007 Africa saw 12 conflicts in 10 countries. Both can be identified as forms of governance. The implementation of these systems often . Less than 20% of Africa's states achieved statehood following rebellion or armed insurgency; in the others, independence flowed from . It assigned them new roles while stripping away some of their traditional roles. The express prohibition in the African Charter against discrimination according to ethnic group constitutes a major step for the continent as a whole because the realization of this right will lead to greater economic opportunity for those people not of the same kinship as the head of government. The book contains eight separate papers produced by scholars working in the field of anthropology, each of which focuses in on a different society in Sub-Saharan Africa. A Functional Approach to define Government 2. In some cases, they are also denied child custody rights. Another basic question is, whom to include? Countries such as Burkina Faso, Guinea, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, for example, attempted to strip chiefs of most of their authority or even abolish chieftaincy altogether. In many tribes, the chief was the representative of the ancestors.
The first three parts deal with the principal objectives of the article. These features include nonprofits, non-profits and hybrid entities are now provide goods and services that were once delivered by the government. Note: The term rural population is used as a proxy for the population operating under traditional economic systems. It then analyzes the implications of the dual allegiance of the citizenry to chiefs and the government. A partial explanation as to why the traditional systems endure was given in the section Why African Traditional Institutions Endure. The argument in that section was that they endure primarily because they are compatible with traditional economic systems, under which large segments of the African population still operate. In this context the chapter further touches on the compatibility of the institution of chieftaincy with constitutional principles such as equality, accountability, natural justice, good governance, and respect for fundamental human rights. Authority in this system was shared or distributed to more people within the community. In a few easy steps create an account and receive the most recent analysis from Hoover fellows tailored to your specific policy interests. Some African nations are prosperous while others struggle. Traditional institutions have continued to metamorphose under the postcolonial state, as Africas socioeconomic systems continue to evolve.
Good and inclusive governance is imperative for Africa's future At times, devolution has had major fiscal and governance consequences, including serving as a vehicle for co-option and corruption. In any case, as . In most African countries, constitutionally established authorities exercise the power of government alongside traditional authorities. The first type is rights-based legitimacy deriving from rule of law, periodic elections, and alternation of political power, the kind generally supported by western and some African governments such as Ghana and Senegal. Political leaders everywhere face competing demands in this regard. In the thankfully rare cases where national governance breaks down completelySouth Sudan, Somalia, CARits absence is an invitation to every ethnic or geographic community to fend for itselfa classic security dilemma. They dispense justice, resolve conflicts, and enforce contracts, even though such services are conducted in different ways in different authority systems. A third layer lies between the other two layers and is referred to in this article as traditional institutions. However, their participation in the electoral process has not enabled them to influence policy, protect their customary land rights, and secure access to public services that would help them overcome their deprivation. Invented chiefs and state-paid elders: These were chiefs imposed by the colonial state on decentralized communities without centralized authority systems.
This layer of institutions is the subject of inquiry of this article. Department of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University, United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Contentious Politics and Political Violence, Political Values, Beliefs, and Ideologies, Why African Traditional Institutions Endure, Authority Systems of Africas Traditional Institutions, Relevance and Paradox of Traditional Institutions, https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1347, United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa, Global Actors: Networks, Elites, and Institutions, Traditional Leaders and Development in Africa. Since institutional fragmentation is a major obstacle to nation-building and democratization, it is imperative that African countries address it and forge institutional harmony. The Sultanes of Somalia are examples of this category and the community has specific criteria as to who is qualified to be a chief (Ahmed, 2017). Command economies, as opposed to free-market economies, do not allow market forces like supply and demand to determine production or prices. The post-colonial State, on the other hand . Afrocentrism, also called Africentrism, cultural and political movement whose mainly African American adherents regard themselves and all other Blacks as syncretic Africans and believe that their worldview should positively reflect traditional African values. One scholar specializing on the Horn of Africa likens the situation a political marketplace in which politics and violence are simply options along the spectrum pursued by powerful actors.5. The selection, however, is often from the children of a chief. As Mamdani has argued, understanding the role of traditional leadership and customary law in contemporary African societies requires us to understand its history. Another category of chiefs is those who theoretically are subject to selection by the community. African governance trends were transformed by the geopolitical changes that came with the end of the Cold War. It is unlikely, however, that such harmony can be brought about by measures that aim to abolish the traditional system, as was attempted by some countries in the aftermath of decolonization. Basing key political decisions on broad societal and inter-party consensus may help to de-escalate cutthroat competition that often leads to violent conflicts. In many cases, the invented chieftaincies were unsuccessful in displacing the consensus-based governance structures (Gartrell, 1983; Uwazie, 1994). There are very few similarities between democracy and dictatorship. The Ibo village assembly in eastern Nigeria, the Eritrean village Baito (assembly), the council of elders (kiama) of the Kikuyu in Kenya, and the kaya elders of the Mijikenda in the coast of Kenya are among well-known examples where decisions are largely made in a consensual manner of one kind or another (Andemariam, 2017; Mengisteab, 2003). Before delving into the inquiry, clarification of some issues would be helpful in avoiding confusion. The quality and durability of such leader-defined adaptive resilience cannot be assured and can be reversed unless the associated norms become institutionalized. Institutional systems emanate from the broader economic and political systems, although they also affect the performance of the economic and political systems. Aristotle was the first to define three principal types of government systems in the fourth century B.C. Changes in economic and political systems trigger the need for new institutional systems to manage the new economic and political systems, while endurance of economic and political systems foster durability of existing institutional systems. These include macro variables such as educational access (especially for women), climate change impact and mitigation, development and income growth rates, demographic trends, internet access, urbanization rates, and conflict events. Additionally, inequalities between parallel socioeconomic spaces, especially with respect to influence on policy, hinder a democratic system, which requires equitable representation and inclusive participation. History. In sum, the digitization of African politics raises real challenges for political leaders and has the potential to increase their determination to digitize their own tools of political control. By 2016, 35 AU members had joined it, but less than half actually subjected themselves to being assessed. Issues of corruption and transparency are likely to become driving themes in African politics. Under conditions where nation-building is in a formative stage, the retribution-seeking judicial system and the winner-take-all multiparty election systems often lead to combustible conditions, which undermine the democratization process. An alternative strategy of bringing about institutional harmony would be to transform the traditional economic systems into an exchange-based economy that would be compatible with the formal institutions of the state. The balance of power between official and non-official actors will likely shift, as networked activists assert their ability to organize and take to the streets on behalf of diverse causes. Broadly speaking, indigenous systems of governance are those that were practiced by local populations in pre-colonial times. African countries are characterized by fragmentation of various aspects of their political economy, including their institutions of governance. In the past decade, traditional security systems utilized in commercial or government facilities have consisted of a few basic elements: a well-trained personnel, a CCTV system, and some kind of access control system. Rule that is based on predation and political monopoly is unlikely to enjoy genuine popular legitimacy, but it can linger for decades unless there are effective countervailing institutions and power centers. "Law" in traditional Igbo and other African societies assumes a wide dimension and should be understood, interpreted, and applied as such, even if such a definition conflicts with the Western idea. Abstract. Many other countries have non-centralized elder-based traditional institutions. An analytical study and impact of colonialism on pre-colonial centralized and decentralized African Traditional and Political Systems. Understanding the Gadaa System. Hoover scholars form the Institutions core and create breakthrough ideas aligned with our mission and ideals. Another measure is recognition of customary law and traditional judicial systems by the state. The development of inclusive institutions may involve struggles that enable political and societal actors to check the domination of entrenched rulers and to broaden rule-based participation in governance. The same source concluded that 7 out of the 12 worst scores for political rights and civil liberties are African.11 As noted, the reasons vary: patrimonialism gone wrong (the big man problem), extreme state fragility and endemic conflict risks, the perverse mobilization of ethnicity by weak or threatened leaders. The key lies in identifying the variables that will shape its context. Some regimes seem resilient because of their apparent staying power but actually have a narrow base of (typically ethnic or regional) support. If African political elite opinion converges with that of major external voices in favoring stabilization over liberal peacebuilding agendas, the implications for governance are fairly clear.17. (No award was made in 50% of the years since the program was launched in 2007; former Liberian president Ellen John Sirleaf won the award in 2017. The three countries have pursued rather different strategies of reconciling their institutional systems and it remains to be seen if any of their strategies will deliver the expected results, although all three countries have already registered some progress in reducing conflicts and in advancing the democratization process relative to countries around them. In Module Seven A: African History, you explored the histories of a wide diversity of pre-colonial African societies. It should not be surprising that there is a weak social compact between state and society in many African states. One of these will be the role and weight of various powerful external actors. These migrations resulted in part from the formation and disintegration of a series of large states in the western Sudan (the region north of modern Ghana drained by the Niger River). One is that the leaders of the postcolonial state saw traditional institutions and their leadership as archaic vestiges of the past that no longer had a place in Africas modern system of governance. Political and economic inclusion is the companion requirement for effective and legitimate governance. Building an inclusive political system also raises the question of what levels of the society to include and how to assure that local communities as well as groups operating at the national level can get their voices heard. Freedom Houses ratings see a pattern of decline since 2005 and note that 10 out of 25 countries (worldwide) with declining ratings are in Africa. not because of, the unique features of US democracy . Your current browser may not support copying via this button. Even so, customary law still exerts a strong . Generally, these traditions are oral rather than scriptural, include belief in a supreme creator, belief in spirits, veneration of the dead, use of magic and traditional African . Pastoral economic systems, for example, foster communal land tenure systems that allow unhindered mobility of livestock, while a capitalist economic system requires a private land ownership system that excludes access to others and allows long-term investments on land. Using a second conflict lens, the number of non-state conflicts has increased dramatically in recent years, peaking in 2017 with 50 non-state conflicts, compared to 24 in 2011. It may be useful to recall that historical kingships or dynasties were the common form of rule in Europe, India, China until modern times, and still is the predominant form of rule on the Arabian Peninsula. This outline leads us to examine more closely the sources of legitimacy in African governance systems. General Overviews. A strict democracy would enforce the "popular vote" total over the entire United States. African political systems are described in a number of textbooks and general books on African history. The features associated with this new form of governmental administration deal with smaller government responsibility for providing goods and services. In this view, nations fail because of extractive economic and political institutions that do not provide incentives for growth and stability. Still another form of legitimacy in Africa sometimes derives from traditional political systems based on some form of kingship. Figure 1 captures this turn to authoritarianism in postindependence Africa. Copy this link, or click below to email it to a friend. Chieftaincy is further plagued with its own internal problems, including issues of relevance, succession, patriarchy, jurisdiction, corruption and intra-tribal conflict. Lawmaking: government makes laws to regulate the behavior of its citizens. Obstruction of nation-building: Nation-building entails a process of integrating different segments of the citizenry to form a community of citizens under shared institutions. Its ability to influence policy is limited in large part because of its institutional detachment from the state and because of its poverty and lack of capacity to participate in the political process. At times, these traditional security system elements are sufficient enough for some uses, but there's certainly no denying . Large states and those with complex ethnic and geographic featurese.g., the DRC, Nigeria, Uganda, the Sudans, Ethiopiamay be especially prone to such multi-sourced violence. On the opposite side are the decentralized systems, led by a council of elders, that command little formal power.